One of the letters of Pliny the Younger (born Gaius Plinius Caecilius in A.D. 61) contains the first secular evidence for the condition of the Christian church in the early years of its existence. The letter, probably written in A.D. 110 is addressed to the Roman emperor Trajan and concerns the interrogation of Christians in Bithynia-Pontus, the province to which Pliny was legate (a governor sent by the emperor). It is worthwhile to examine the letter in detail, since Pliny's depiction of the Christians' behaviour, the report of his treatment of the prosecuted, and the attitude he displays towards the “perverse and immoderate superstition” provide insight into the relationship between the Roman government and the early Christian church.

Pontus (an area directly South of the Black Sea) and Bithynia (today North-West Turkey) were affluent regions, but on account of petty intrigues among local officials corruption and mismanagement troubled the province's towns. In 110, as legatus Augusti (governor), Pliny entered Bithynia-Pontus to correct the abuses and settle disputes; in so doing he gained the reputation for being a prudent administrator.

One of the more challenging judicial cases for Pliny was caused by friction between the Christian community and the Greek and Roman citizens of the towns throughout the province. Though the evidence for Roman attitudes towards Christianity at the turn of the first century is scanty, it is possible to make some generalizations. The Roman populace was accustomed to a range of deities, and tolerated the practice of foreign cults (provided social behaviour was not contravened); but the monotheism of the Christians was annoying. And since the great fire of Rome in 64, citizens in the city often falsely accused the Christians (and the Jews, with whom they were sometimes identified) of causing disturbances and inciting riots among the lower classes. Indeed, rumour had it that the Christians conducted bizarre rites and cannibalistic feasts. It is not surprising, therefore, that unofficial informers reported instances of 'social misconduct' among those practicing a foreign cult (such as the Egyptian Isis worship and eastern Bacchanalism), which would then be banned.¹ Thus it became customary among private individuals, magistrates, and civic priests, to accuse Christians of immoral behaviour. And the stubborn refusal of the Christians to pay divine homage to the emperor provoked many local officials to charge them with contumacia, that is, persistent exclusiveness and denial of Roman social and religious custom. Cases of this and similar nature form the subject of Pliny's letter (X, 96) to the emperor Trajan.

Pliny's reason for writing the emperor is clearly stated:

I have never presided over a trial of the Christians, and therefore do not know what the procedure of the investigation should be and the extent of the punishment (1).

He expresses other doubts: should he make distinction between the old and young, the weak and healthy? And should he pardon those who had renounced Christianity? More importantly, Pliny asks if he ought to punish those who are charged merely with “being a member of the Christian sect” (nomen ipsum, 2), or only those Christians who had committed a crime or some anti-social act (falgitia cohaerentia nomini). And Pliny is uncertain as to what he should do with those who once were believers, but have since abandoned the faith. Trajan is requested to approve of Pliny's method in dealing with the accused.

Pliny then outlines his treatment of those who were brought before him by private prosecutors. The legate first asked whether the arraigned was a Christian. The question seems obvious enough, but it was necessary to ascertain the religious membership of the accused. It was not the nomen ipsum per se which resulted in punishment, but the repeated affirmation. For Pliny asks a second and third time, threatening punishment, whether the accused admits to being a Christian. (This procedure is not unlike that followed by Pontius Pilate in Matthew 27:11-15). He who persisted was summarily executed. Pliny's reason: “For I am convinced that – whatever the confession – stubborn and unbending obstinacy ought to be punished (3).” Only Roman citizens (the majority of the accused were foreigners and slaves) were not immediately decapitated but detained, to be sent to Rome. Such was Pliny's treatment of the believers. It seems that just the admission of being a Christian was sufficient to earn the penalty of death.

Those who denied the allegation Pliny treated in this way: in the governor's presence the accused called upon the Roman gods and offered sacrifices of wine and incense before a statue of Trajan. In addition, the accused were asked to curse Jesus Christ (male dicerent Christo, 5). This test is sound, writes Pliny, because one who is a true Christian refuses to comply with his request. The same test he applied to those who confessed to having been Christians in the past, but who now renounced their faith. All these were permitted to depart with impunity, since they committed no particular crime besides belonging to the sect.

From these lapsed Christians Pliny received information regarding the nature of the services held by the early church. It was the custom of the believers to meet before dawn, to sing antiphonal songs in praise of the Lord Jesus Christ (carmenque Christo quasi deo dicere secum invicem, 7). Furthermore they professed an oath to refrain from stealing, robbery, and adultery, to pay creditors, etc.² Pliny also mentions having heard of the Agape, or banquet, which he describes as a “common and harmless feast (7).” Apparently, the believers congregated to partake of a meal (coeundi ad capiendum cibum 7). Upon Pliny's edict banning societies and political clubs, the banquets were halted. But Christianity was spreading fast, for “not only the towns, but even the villages and countrysides were pervaded by that contagious superstition (9).” Though Pliny is here undoubtedly reporting exaggerated accounts of local magistrates, it is likely that Christianity was taking root in Pontus and Bithynia. And in the eyes of a Roman governor who made no distinction between Christianity and other sects, the belief was but a fad. Indeed, he concludes the letter by stating that he has hope that, given the opportunity to repent, the wrongdoers will amend their ways.

The emperor Trajan wrote a brief reply to Pliny (X, 97). In it he gives the terse command “not to seek out” the Christians (conquirendi non suet, 1). However, those who are shown to be believers “are to be punished (2).” Those who demonstrated that they no longer believed (by sacrificing to the Roman gods) were to be dismissed. And, Trajan writes, anonymous accusations were not to be considered. For “that would set a terrible precedent, and is not in keeping with the spirit of the times (2).” But, one may ask, what about the innocent Christians who were executed simply for their confession?

All readers of the New Testament will realize the importance of letter X, 96. In addition to providing insight into the attitude of the Roman government toward the Christians, and depicting the services of the early church, Pliny's correspondence contributes to an understanding of the plight of the believers. The First Letter of Peter, for example, was written to churches in the same area; Peter mentions Pontus and Bithynia (see 1 Peter 1:1). The catalogue of misdeeds mentioned in ch. 4:15 resembles Pliny's report of the oaths undertaken by the believers (96, 7). And at several points the apostle exhorts his readers to remain steadfast in the face of accusations and maltreatment. 1 Peter 3:15, 16 are noteworthy:

Always be prepared to make a defense to anyone who calls you to account for the hope that is in you, yet do it with gentleness and reverence; and keep your conscience clear, so that, when you are abused, those who revile your good behaviour in Christ may be put to shame. (See also 1 Peter 1:13-17)

And for the believers in Pontus and Bithynia, Peter's exhortation in chapter 4:16 must have been as relevant as it is for persecuted Christians today: “…yet if one suffers as a Christian, let him not be ashamed, but under that name let him glorify God.”