The three main streams of Protestantism in the Reformation move­ment were the Lutheran, the Zwinglian, and the Calvinist. Calvin’s heart was set on a united front. Luther and Zwingli had given little thought to this. Their lot it was to battle and to build – there was little time for anything else. Calvin, however, looked on the divided forces of Protestantism and conceived the idea of uniting them. He did not aim at doing away with national distinctions. Nor did he insist on uniformity on all points. Indeed he showed a marvellous readiness to make conces­sions on minor issues.

One of the main points of division was the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper. Through Calvin’s zealous efforts an agreement had been reached with the men of Zurich – the Zwinglians whose leader was Heinrich Bullinger. Calvin went to Zurich and after a few hours discussion a statement was drawn up which was satisfactory to both parties. So he had succeeded in uniting the Calvinists and the Zwinglians. Might it not be possible to bring in the Lutherans too, so as to form a united front? He dreamed of this possibility and worked untiringly for its realisation, especially from 1556 to 1558.

Unfortunately the prospect of a united front was rather spoiled by the outburst of Joachim Westphal of Hamburg, a rather extreme Lu­theran. He stirred up afresh the controversy which had already been in existence in Luther’s time. Westphal was annoyed at the spread of Calvin’s views and issued a violent and provocative treatise in 1552. He also figured in a very unfortunate display of bitterness in 1553. When a company of London refugees fled in the September of that year from the persecutions of ‘Bloody’ Mary, a storm drove them into Helsingor in Denmark. But the Lutherans would not permit even the women and children to stay but forced all to re-embark. The same reception awaited the refugees at some German cities till at last they were received at Danzig and Emden.

Westphal issued a second treatise as a follow up to the first. Calvin asked Bullinger if he should reply. Bullinger at first said ‘No’, and Calvin agreed. But Bullinger later changed his mind and urged the Genevan reformer to issue a reply. So Calvin prepared one and sent it to Zurich for criticism. Bullinger and his friends sent him fifteen pages of comment – they found him too scathing at some points and too moderate at others. He showed a sweet reasonableness in meeting their objections. The changes he made pleased them and they approved the treatise. It was issued simultaneously at Geneva and Zurich in January 1555. The Zurich edition had at its close a letter of recommendation from Bull­inger in which he calls the writer ‘our Calvin’ and says that he merits ‘the universal thanks of posterity’.

In the warfare of tracts with Westphal that followed, it must be re­membered that the latter was the aggressor, but it must also be admitted that Calvin used little restraint in his language. It may be said that it was the manner of the 16th century to speak so, that he acted under provo­cation, that he himself bewailed his intemperateness of speech, and that he was accustomed to dash off some of these treatises ‘at a gush’ – he sometimes dictated to a secretary and did not even read over the copy. We must remember too that he was overwhelmed with work and racked with pain. But when all mitigating circumstances are considered, his strong language is to be deprecated.

In the discussions between the Protestants, it is interesting to note that he distinguished between essentials on which true believers should be firm and secondary points on which moderation should be shown. He always pronounced himself in accord with Luther on essentials and he agreed with the Lutheran Confession – the Confession of Augsburg. He praised Luther and said, ‘If he would call me a devil, I would still look on him as a distinguished servant of Christ.’

A conference at Stuttgart was wrecked by the obstinacy of the Lutheran pastor, Brenz, who did not seem content even to make their own Augsburg Confession the basis of agreement. Yet Brenz had been hospitably entertained by the Swiss Churches when he was a fugitive, and had professed warm appreciation of Calvin.

The King of France issued the dreadful edict of persecution against the Vaudois in November 1556, and 27 March 1557 was fixed as the fatal day for these poor Christians. Beza and Farel visited the Swiss Churches to urge them to intervene. They also visited certain German cities to move the German princes to use their influence with the king of France. To show that the persecuted people were true Christians, Beza and Farel produced the Confession of Faith of the Vaudois. The princes approved of the Confession, and recognised the Vaudois as pi­ous Christians and of the same religion as themselves. They begged the king to have pity, but he would not listen. Though the purpose was not attained, yet at any rate a measure of concerted action was secured on this matter through the efforts of Calvin and his colleagues.

Calvin continued to use his efforts for a round table conference to secure agreement. The timidity of the Zwinglians and the obstinacy of the strict Lutherans were the main obstacles to be overcome. Yet he strove for it with the utmost ardour. He wrote to princes, he reasoned with pastors. Bullinger felt so convinced of the utter obstinacy of the extreme Lutherans that he wrote: ‘I prefer a conference with the Papists to one with such men.’ So conference after conference was proposed, yet nothing really came of it. Yet Calvin hoped on and toiled on. He declared himself willing to make journeys if the end in view could be furthered – though such journeys would have been painful to him in his state of health. His efforts were encouraged and nobly seconded by Beza and Farel.

The Emperor Charles V issued the edict known as the Interim in 1549. It purported to regulate affairs as between Protestants and Rom­anists in Germany until such time as a General Council should secure agreement. It embodied a series of half-way measures and compromises which did not fully satisfy either party. Yet some of the Protestants, including prominent leaders, acquiesced in it. Calvin was not satisfied and it was he who issued a reply. In this matter he appeared as the true spokesman of the Protestants of Germany. Was not this spokesman the only instrument likely to succeed in uniting those Protestants with their brethren who differed from them on certain points? Moreover, he could stretch out a hand to the Lutherans, for did he not teach with them the real presence of Christ in the bread and wine? And could he not also stretch out a hand to the Zwinglians, for did not he teach with them that this presence, though real, was spiritual? There seemed then a hope of success and he strove for it with might and main.

He said: ‘What is the great boon we ought to seek with all our strength and with our whole souls – even at the price of our heart’s blood? It is even that the church attain to peace and purity. I would journey over land and sea to attain it and offer my life to win it. Oh, I would that all the churches of Christ were united in such a unity as would make the angels rejoice!’ Writing to Archbishop Cranmer of the desirability of this union he said: ‘As far as I am concerned, if I could be of any service, I shall not shrink from crossing ten seas, if need be, for that object.’

The endeavour was wrecked on the rocks of the timidity of the Zwinglians and the obstinacy of the Lutherans. It was perhaps in no small measure due to this failure that the progress of the Reformation was stayed, and the Roman Church rejoiced and took fresh heart, so that the Counter-Reformation movement gained ground. But at any rate the blame could not be laid on Calvin’s shoulders. He had done his best.